[Trump II] - A new Geography of Power in Washington DC

In early March 2025, the city of Washington, D.C., erased the words "Black Lives Matter" that had been painted in yellow on a section of 16th Street NW, a few hundred meters north of the White House. This symbolic removal came under pressure from the new Republican lawmakers who threatened to withdraw several million dollars in federal grants to the city. This strong political and symbolic gesture, humiliating for some, triumphant for others, crystallizes the tension that has gripped the US capital.

The various trends that have shaped Trumpism are on display in the city and are fighting for influence- a process made easier by their origins in widely diverse regions of the United States. This article offers a spatial analysis that illustrates the socio-cultural and geographical influences of Trump's power and its topological roots, from the various provinces to the capital.

"Drain the Swamp" or the Battle for Washington DC

For those who have already visited the US capital, Trump's description of it as a "swamp" makes perfect sense: from April onwards, for many months, the European-inspired city, with its brutalist and Victorian architecture, has taken on the appearance of a bayou. Subject to intense heat and humidity, it is overgrown with lush vegetation and overrun with insects. Donald Trump has turned this reality into a political slogan to denounce the size and role of the federal government, using populist anti-elite and anti-establishment rhetoric. The goal is to "drain the swamp," which is portrayed as corrupt, exploitative, and internationalist, in order to restore sovereignty, power, and respect through fear, so that America could once again be "great."

Beyond their typical populist mechanics, these slogans have worked with Trump's electorate for several reasons:

1. The area comprising Washington, D.C., northern Virginia (between Dulles Airport and the city of Arlington) and Maryland, nicknamed the DMV, is home to almost all federal power and a large part of government contractors. It is both the seat of regulation in a federal country with a liberal culture that is wary of state power, and the heart of a huge financial windfall that flows into a multitude of large and small companies captive to the region. No other region in the United States benefits from such a windfall of public money.
2. While this region is home to the majority of the federal government, it is also (and perhaps above all) the heart of the gigantic national security apparatus. While numerous military bases are scattered across the United States, the DMV is home to the State Department (diplomacy), the Department of Defense (Pentagon), most of the 18 intelligence agencies, public and private defense-related research centers, and major defense contractors (employees of private security companies). As such, this area particularly reflects the notion of the "deep state," which is dear to Trump voters and American conspiracy theorists. These perceptions are reinforced by the presence of a large diplomatic community and international institutions, such as the IMF and the World Bank, which fuel the imagination of a "globalized and disconnected" elite.
3. Washington, D.C. is a massively Democratic city, but it is also home to a majority of Black and Latin American communities. Since 1961, when its residents were allowed to participate in presidential elections, it has consistently voted for the Democratic candidate by more than 75%. Today, more than 90% of its citizens identify as Democrats. For this reason, the Republican Party is blocking the process of making it a full state, which would give it the right to vote in congressional elections. Due to its Black and immigrant populations, as well as structural insecurity linked to drug trafficking and poverty, the city has a very negative reputation in Republican circles and in the American provinces. In this populist, anti-establishment moment, tinged with racism and rejection of immigration, it embodies the progressive figure that repels Donald Trump's conservative electorate.

There is a clear desire to break this category of citizens and demoralize them for the long term. The problem with this populist vision is that the electoral base does not realize that it is itself a direct beneficiary of these public services, which are managed in the federal capital, and that a significant proportion of federal civil servants are also Republicans, living mainly in neighboring Virginia or Maryland. However, these inconsistencies are not stopping the momentum of the new masters of power.

Establishing Themselves in Conquered Territory

Although Trump's networks fundamentally reject the city, their conquest of the White House and Congress requires them to settle there, at least temporarily, in order to govern. The new ministers, advisers, representatives, senators and their staffers, as well as all their allies in business and civil society who sense new opportunities, are landing in the capital and trying to adapt. It is also worth noting that Donald Trump made the city the focus of his first political announcements, saying he wanted to restore its former glory by targeting graffiti and homeless tents. The president has already begun redecorating the Oval Office, with an unparalleled taste for gold, reflecting his desire to change the image of the city and promote the "golden age" he promises to revive.

During Donald Trump's first term, young Republicans settled in the new and off-center Navy Yard neighborhood, while frequenting bars and restaurants near the White House and Congress - creating a unique political geography. The youth of Washington, D.C., gave them a particularly cold welcome, especially young singles, and the trendy neighborhoods were largely closed to them. With Trump now in his second term, it is still too early to analyze where the MAGA machine will set up shop. However, Trump supporters are already showing a desire to make their presence felt in the city, which has disrupted the real estate market, as the city is not used to seeing so many billionaires and millionaires rushing to buy property.

This time, it seems that Trump officials have set their sights on the traditionally upscale neighborhoods of northwest Washington. Robert F. Kennedy, the secretary of health, has bought a house in Georgetown, a famous neighborhood with charming old houses. Howard Lutnick, the secretary of commerce, bought a $25 million house in cash, setting a record for Washington, D.C. Inspired by a French château, it is located in the upscale Foxhall neighborhood, west of Georgetown. In April, Mark Zuckerberg purchased a gigantic mansion in the Woodland Normanstone neighborhood, becoming a neighbor of Peter Thiel and Trump figures such as Kellyanne Conway and Steven Mnuchin. In 2016, Jeff Bezos bought a house in Kalorama, which he rarely lives in, ahead of Trump's first term. This central but upscale neighborhood has also seen a spike in luxury home purchases since Trump took office. Thus, Trump's entourage is now investing in wealthy neighborhoods traditionally occupied by old local fortunes or embassies. There is a gradual change underway.

On the other hand, the president's son, Donald Trump Jr., has successfully opened a private club called Executive Branch, also in the Georgetown neighborhood. Membership costs $500,000 and allows members to regularly meet with people close to the president and the administration. Vice President JD Vance and former candidate Vivek Ramaswamy have been seen there, rubbing shoulders with business leaders and financiers from the MAGA sphere. The club's owners are Omeed Malik, a major Trump donor and founder of the conservative investment fund 1789 Capital, his partner Chris Buskirk, Donald Trump Jr., and Zach and Alex Witkoff, the sons of Special Envoy for Ukraine and the Middle East Steve Witkoff. This is a prime example of unabashed lobbying and the "deep state" logic that this administration has denounced.

Trump supporters are now openly asserting their control over the capital and attempting to change it in their image. On the famous lobbyists' street, K Street, historic law and public affairs firms are the target of a vendetta by Donald Trump because of the legal cases in which they are involved, while new allies are moving in to exert influence on a compliant administration. Here too, at the micro-local level, the battle for influence is raging.

Les Trumpistes assument donc désormais leur prise de contrôle sur la capitale et tentent de la changer à leur image. Dans la fameuse rue des lobbyistes, K Street, les firmes historiques d’avocats et d’affaires publiques font l’objet d’une campagne de vengeance de Donald Trump en raison des affaires judiciaires dans lesquelles elles s’impliquent, alors que les nouveaux alliés s’installent pour mener des actions d’influence avec une administration acquise. Ici aussi, au niveau micro-local, la bataille d’influence fait rage.

A Vindictive Alliance from some Territories

In his book, The American Civilizing Process, American sociologist Stephen Mennell explains that what characterizes the United States, unlike Europe, is the decentralization of its political and economic elites. This geographical and cultural fragmentation has increased competition for power, particularly political power, between groups from very different backgrounds. Donald Trump's takeover is a good illustration of this point. While during his first term Donald Trump was surrounded by an administration made up of Republicans with more traditional profiles (J. Bolton, R. Tillerson, M. Pompeo, etc.), it is clear that he has now put in place a fully MAGA and loyalist administration.

This time, his conquest of power and his takeover in Washington were made possible by a coalition of interests that are quite diverse in geographical and cultural terms, but diametrically opposed to the traditional political establishment in the capital and its surroundings. Thus, Donald Trump currently brings together three major components: a political entourage now drawn from conservative circles in Florida; religious support from Christian churches in the Deep South and the Midwest; and techno-libertarian circles in Silicon Valley (California). Each of these power networks supports Trump's agenda and rivals the others to exert influence over the president.

Mar-a-Lago has proven to be an effective catalyst for Donald Trump. Many of his entourage in Washington come from Florida political circles: Marco Rubio (Secretary of State), Pam Bondi (Attorney General), Steve Witkoff (Special Envoy), Dan Bongino (deputy director of the FBI) and numerous White House advisers, such as Susie Wiles (chief of staff), James Blair and Taylor Budowich (deputy chiefs of staff), Mike Waltz (national security adviser), Brian Hughes (deputy national security adviser for strategic communications), and Trent Morse (chief of staff). Other politicians and lobbyists now based in Washington also come from these circles. The influence of "Floridians" is now equal to that of "Texans" under the Bush Jr. administration. The president's trips back and forth to Florida and these interstate power networks must therefore be understood in order to comprehend the influences currently at work in Washington, D.C.

What characterizes the United States, unlike Europe, is the decentralization of its political and economic elites. This geographical and cultural fragmentation has increased competition for power.

The former are regular visitors to the White House, where they organize numerous religious events and masses. After beginning his term with a mass, celebrating Holy Week at the White House, and making a noteworthy Easter announcement, Donald Trump allowed his pastor, Paula White-Cain, to organize a mass with 100 religious leaders to celebrate his first 100 days in office. White-Cain is a long-time ally of the president and heads the new White House Office of Faith. Now, many religious figures from Mississippi, Texas, Colorado, Alabama, and Oklahoma regularly visit the White House and work to influence Donald Trump's agenda. This evangelical movement in the center of the United States is exemplified by Kristi Noem, a Republican and fundamentalist Christian elected representative from South Dakota who is now Secretary of Homeland Security and a fervent supporter of Donald Trump.

These Protestant networks converge with Catholic networks, also strong supporters of Donald Trump. The American Catholic Church, which is small in number and whose practice is declining, is in fact divided by a so-called "integralist" movement that seeks to return to a very conservative liturgical and ideological practice and was opposed to the line taken by Pope Francis. Donald Trump appointed an opponent of the pope as ambassador to the Vatican, and the pope responded by appointing a very liberal archbishop to Washington, D.C. These currents are very present in the central states, particularly Colorado, Kansas, Ohio, and Wisconsin. Thus, while they are not in a position at this stage to influence the US capital, they are directly connected to the White House and Trump circles. Moving regularly between their home territories and the capital, they embody a real topological influence, albeit one that is below the radar.

Finally, while the Californian networks of "Tech Bros" and other billionaires in the IT sector are particularly visible in this ecosystem, they do not come from the same ideological background as the networks mentioned above. They are not part of the cultural, religious, and conservative background of the American Deep South, whose origins date back to the establishment of an aristocracy of British planters and monarchists ("cavaliers") largely from the island of Barbados; nor do they come from the American heartland, whose Christian communities have their roots in the Protestant and Catholic churches of the first European immigrants (German, Dutch, English Puritans, Irish, Scottish, etc.). The Tech Bros are the heirs of Silicon Valley's unique technological boom and represent a conservative deviation from Californian libertarian ideology. They have now become the heralds of a capitalism completely free of regulation and political sovereignty, of a cynical and eugenic transhumanism that would allow the "chosen few" to survive the supposed decline of the human race, and of a boundless technological solutionism to meet these challenges.

Spatial analysis thus makes it possible to map the multiple influences at work around the new power and their geographical and ideological roots.

An atmosphere Under Pressure

Faced with this overt offensive, the citizens and workers of Washington, D.C., find themselves stunned and targeted. As during the first term, the overwhelmingly Democratic city grimaces at the thought of living with the new Trumpist elite for four years. If that were all, it would, after all, be the rules of the democratic game. The problem this time is that, unlike the first term, Donald Trump's initial policies are already having dramatic and structural consequences for the population.

Everyone in Washington, D.C., now has relatives who have suddenly lost their jobs. In a small geographical area where most people contemplated long careers in public service, and in a country where there are no safety nets such as unemployment benefits, the entire social structure has been undermined. As these layoffs are accompanied by drastic cuts in federal contracts with companies, the latter are also preparing massive layoffs (and therefore cannot serve as a source of new hires by recruiting public sector employees, as announced by Elon Musk and Donald Trump).

Beyond the very strong ideological opposition in a country that is now highly polarized, it is important to remember that the heavily indebted US economy functions entirely on stability and predictability. Most of the people laid off in the DMV, for example, have mortgages that are difficult to maintain without a job, which hinders their ability to move elsewhere in the country. For all these reasons, the job search has become ultra-competitive, not to mention the sectors that are being targeted entirely (the fight against disinformation, for example). The shock is real and the policy is vindictive. It seeks to humiliate this population of federal employees, echoing the vengeful spirit of the Trump electorate that expressed itself during the protests against the Capitol on January 6, 2021.

Thus, in addition to the economic shock, this policy of revenge against individuals or institutions that have challenged Donald Trump in recent years is creating a climate of humiliation, but also, for the first time, of fear. Civil servants, researchers, and experts are now reluctant to speak out publicly for fear of their institutions or for themselves. Witch hunts have begun, whether it be to subject Pentagon officials to polygraph tests, report "anti-Christian bias" in the State Department, or specifically target certain categories of the population. The federal government is reliving a period similar to the McCarthyism of the early Cold War. Yet known as a particularly dynamic space for ideas, with a large number of research centers, think tanks, and media outlets, Washington, D.C., and its public debate are now suffering the consequences of this assault. Bipartisan or Democratic institutions (such as Carnegie, Brookings, CSIS, etc.) and traditionally Republican institutions (such as the American Enterprise Institute, Cato Institute, etc.) are isolated from power and debate, when they are not directly targeted (such as the Wilson Center). Only Trumpist institutions, such as the Heritage Foundation, now feel supported and protected.

After only three months, the geography of power has already changed significantly. What will it look like after four years?

Copyright image : Jim WATSON / AFP